African Leaders ,May 25, 1963
``…..Let us not put off, to later consideration and study, the single act, the
one decision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is to have real
meaning. This Conference cannot close without adopting a single African
Charter…..
We welcome to Ethiopia in Our name and in the name of the Ethiopian Government
and people, the Heads of State and Government of independent African nations who
are today assembled in solemn conclave in Ethiopia's capital city. This
conference, without parallel in history, is an impressive testimonial to the
devotion and dedication of which we all partake in the cause of our mother
continent and that of her sons and daughters. This is indeed a momentous and
historic day for Africa and for all Africans.
We stand today on the stage of world affairs, before the audience of world
opinion. We have come together to assert our role in the direction of world
affairs and to discharge our duty to the great continent whose two hundred and
fifty million people we lead. Africa is today at mid-course, in transition from
the Africa of Yesterday to the Africa of Tomorrow. Even as we stand here, we
move from the past into the future. The task on which we have embarked, the
making of Africa, will not wait. We must act, to shape and mould the future and
leave our imprint on events as they slip past into history.
To Chart A Course
We seek, at this meeting, to determine whither we are going and to chart the
course of our destiny. It is no less important that we know whence we came. An
awareness of our past is essential to the establishment of our personality and
our identity as Africans.
This world was not created piecemeal. Africa was born no later and no earlier
than any other geographical area on this globe. Africans, no more and no less
than other men, possess all human attributes, talents and deficiencies, virtues
and faults. Thousands of years ago, civilizations flourished in Africa which
suffer not at all by comparison with those of other continents. In those
centuries, Africans were politically free and economically independent. Their
social patterns were their own and their cultures truly indigenous.
The obscurity which enshrouds the centuries which elapsed between those earliest
days and the rediscovery of Africa are being gradually dispersed. What is
certain is that during those long years Africans were born, lived and died. Men
on other parts of this earth occupied themselves with their own concerns and, in
their conceit, proclaimed that the world began and ended at their horizons. All
unknown to them, Africa developed in its own pattern, growing in its own life
and in the Nineteenth Century, finally re-emerged into the world's
consciousness.
Fettered and Bound
The events of the past hundred and fifty years require no extended recitation
from Us. The period of colonialism into which we were plunged culminated with
our continent fettered and bound; with our once proud and free peoples reduced
to humiliation and slavery; with Africa's terrain cross-hatched and
checker-boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries. Many of us, during those
bitter years, were overwhelmed in battle, and those who escaped conquest did so
at the cost of desperate resistance and bloodshed. Others were sold into bondage
as the price extracted by the colonialists for the "protection" which they
extended and the possessions of which they disposed. Africa was a physical
resource to be exploited and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily or,
at best, peoples to be reduced to vassalage and lackeyhood. Africa was the
market for the produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with
which their factories were fed.
Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. Our Armageddon is past. Africa
has been reborn as a free continent and Africans have been reborn as free men.
The blood that was shed and the sufferings that were endured are today Africa's
advocates for freedom and unity. Those men who refused to accept the judgement
passed upon them by the colonizers, who held unswervingly through the darkest
hours to a vision of an Africa emancipated from political, economic, and
spiritual domination will be remembered and revered wherever Africans meet. Many
of them never set foot on this continent. Others were born, and died here. What
we may utter today can add little to the heroic struggle of those who, by their
example, have shown us how precious are freedom and human dignity and of how
little value is life without them. Their deeds are written in history.
Supreme Effort
Africa's victory, although proclaimed, is not yet total, and areas of resistance
still remain. Today, We name as our first great task the final liberating of
those Africans still dominated by foreign exploitation and control. With the
goal in sight, and unqualified triumph within our grasp, let us not now falter
or lag or relax. We must make one final supreme effort; now, when the struggle
grows, weary when so much has been won that the thrilling sense of achievement
has brought us near satiation. Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans
are free. Our brothers in the Rhodesians, In Mozambique, in Angola, in South
Africa cry out in anguish for our support and assistance. We must urge on their
behalf their peaceful accession to independence. We must align and identify
ourselves with all aspects of their struggle. It would be betrayal were we to
pay only lip service to the cause of their liberation and fail to back our words
with action. To them we say, your pleas shall not go unheeded. The resources of
Africa and of all freedom-loving nations are marshalled in your service. Be of
good heart, for your deliverance is at hand.
As we renew our vow that all of Africa shall be free, let us also resolve that
old wounds shall be healed and past scars forgotten. It was thus that Ethiopia
treated the invader nearly twenty-five years ago, and Ethiopians found peace
with honor in this course. Memories of past injustice should not divert us from
the more pressing business at hand. We must live in peace with our former
colonizers, shunning recrimination and bitterness and forswearing the luxury of
vengeance and retaliation, lest the acid of hatred erode our souls and poison
our hearts. Let us act as befits the dignity which we claim for ourselves as
Africans, proud of our won special qualities, distinctions and abilities. Our
efforts as free men must be to establish new relationships, devoid of any
resentment and hostility, restored to our belief and faith in ourselves as
individuals, dealing on a basis of equality with other equally free peoples.
Free and United
Today, we look to the future calmly, confidently and courageously. We look to
the vision of an Africa not merely free but united. In facing this new challenge
we can take comfort and encouragement from the lessons of the past. We know that
there are differences among us. Africans enjoy different cultures, distinctive
values, special attributes. But we also know that unity can be and has been
attained among men of the most disparate origins, that differences of race, of
religion, of culture, of tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the coming
together of peoples. History teaches us that unity is strength and cautions us
to submerge and overcome our differences in the quest for common goals, to
strive, with all our combined strength, for the path to true African brotherhood
and unity.
There are those who claim that African unity is impossible that the forces that
pull us, some in this direction, others in that, are too strong to be overcome.
Around us there is no lack of doubt and pessimism, no absence of critics and
criticism. These speak of Africa, of Africa's future and of her position in the
Twentieth Century in sepulchral tones. They predict dissention and
disintegration among Africans and internecine strife and chaos on our continent.
Let us confound these and, by our deeds, disperse them in confusion. There are
others whose hopes for Africa are bright, who stand with faces upturned in
wonder and awe at the creation of a new and happier life, who have dedicated
themselves of their brothers to whom they owe the achievements of Africa's past.
Let us reward their trust and merit their approval.
Accepted Goal
The road of African unity is already lined with landmarks. The last years are
crowded with meetings, with conferences with declarations and pronouncements.
Regional organizations have been established. Local groupings based on common
interests, backgrounds and traditions have been created.
But though all that has been said and written and done in these years, there
runs a common theme. Unity is the accepted goal. We argue about means; we
discuss alternative paths to the same objective; we engage in debates about
techniques and tactics.
But when semantics are stripped away, there is little argument among us. We are
determined to create a union of Africans. In a very real sense, our continent is
unmade; it still awaits creation and its creators. It is our duty and privilege
to rouse the slumbering giant of Africa, not to the nationalism of Europe of the
Nineteenth Century, not to regional consciousness, but to the vision of a single
African brotherhood bending its united efforts toward the achievement of a
greater and nobler goal.
Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we are divided among
ourselves on tribal lines, we open our doors to foreign intervention and its
potentially harmful consequences. The Congo is clear proof of what We say. We
should not be led to complacency because of the present ameliorated situation in
that country. The Congolese people have suffered untold misery, and the economic
growth of the country has been retarded because of tribal strife.
Obstacles Formidable
But while we agree that the ultimate destiny of this continent lies in political
union, we must at the same time recognize that the obstacles to be overcome in
its achievement are at once numerous and formidable. Africa's peoples did not
emerge into liberty in uniform conditions. Africans maintain different political
systems; our economies are diverse; our social orders are rooted in differing
cultures and traditions. Furthermore, no clear consensus exists on the "how" and
the "what" of this union. Is it to be, in form, federal, confederal or unitary?
Is the sovereignty of individual states to be reduced, and if so, by how much,
and in what areas? On these and other questions there is no agreement, and if we
wait for agreed answers, generations hence matters will be little advanced,
while the debate still rages.
We should, therefore, not be concerned that complete union is not attained from
one day to the next. The union of which we seek can only come gradually, as the
day-to-day progress of which we achieve carries us slowly but inexorably along
this course. We have before us the examples of the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. We
must remember how long these required to achieve their union. When a solid
foundation is laid, if the mason is able and his materials good, a strong house
can be built.
Thus, a period of transition is inevitable. Old relations and arrangements may
for a time, linger. Regional organizations may fulfil legitimate functions and
needs which cannot yet be otherwise satisfied. But the difference is in this:
that we recognize these circumstances for what they are, temporary expedients
designed to serve only until we have established the conditions which will bring
total African unity within our reach.
Exploit Agreement
There is, nonetheless, much that we can do to speed this transition. There are
issues on which we stand united and questions on which there is unanimity of
opinion. Let us seize on these areas of agreement and exploit them to the
fullest. Let us take action now, action which, while taking account of present
realities nonetheless constitutes clear and unmistakable progress along the
course plotted out for us by destiny. We are all adherents, whatever our
internal political systems, of the principles of democratic action. Let us apply
these to the unity we seek to create. Let us work on our own programs in all
fields - political, economic, social and military. The opponents of Africa's
growth, whose interests would be best served by a divided and balkanized
continent, would derive much satisfaction from the unhappy spectacle of thirty
and more African States so split, so paralysed and immobilized by controversies
over long-term measures on which there is no dispute. If we act where we may in
those areas where action is possible, the inner logic of the programs which we
adopt will work for us and inevitable impel us still farther in the direction of
ultimate union.
What we still lack, despite the efforts of past years, is the mechanism which
will enable us to speak, with one voice when we wish to do so and take and
implement decisions on African problems when we are so minded. The commentators
of 1963 speak in discussing Africa, of the Monrovia States, the Brazzaville
Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these and many more. Let us put an end to these
terms. What we require is a single African organization through which Africa's
single voice may be heard, within which Africa's problems may be studied and
resolved. We need an organization which will facilitate acceptable solutions to
disputes among Africans and promote the study and adoption of measures for
common defense and programs for co-operation in the economic and social fields.
Let us, at this Conference, create a single institution to which we will all
belong, based on principles to which we all subscribe, confident that in its
councils our voices will carry their proper weight, secure in the knowledge that
the decision there will be dictated by Africans and only by Africans and that
they will take full account of all vital African considerations.
Foundation for Unity
We are meeting here today to lay the basis for African unity. Let us, here and
now, agree upon the basic instrument which will constitute the foundation for
the future growth in peace and harmony and oneness of this continent. Let our
meetings henceforth proceed from solid accomplishments. Let us not put off, to
later consideration and study, the single act, the one decision, which must
emerge from this gathering if it is to have real meaning. This Conference cannot
close without adopting a single African Charter. We cannot leave here without
having created a single African organization possessed of the attributes We have
described. If we fail in this, we will have shirked our responsibility to Africa
and to the peoples we lead. If we succeed, then, and only the, will we have
justified our presence here.
The organization of which We speak must possess a well-cumulated framework,
having a permanent headquarters and an adequate Secretariat providing the
necessary continuity between meetings of the permanent organs. It must include
specialized bodies to work in particular fields of competence assigned to the
organization. Unless the political liberty for which Africans have for so long
struggled is complemented and bolstered by a corresponding economic and social
growth, the breath of life which sustains our freedom may flicker out. In our
efforts to improve the standard of life of our peoples and to flesh out the
bones of our independence, we count on the assistance and support of others. But
this alone will not suffice, and, alone, would only perpetuate Africa's
dependence on others.
A specialized body to facilitate and co-ordinate continent-wide economic
programs and to provide the mechanism for the provision of economic assistance
among African nation is thus required. Prompt measures can be taken to increase
trade and commerce among us. Africa's mineral wealth is great; we should
co-operate in its development. An African Development Program, which will make
provision for the concentration by each nation on those productive activities
for which its resources and its geographic and climatic conditions best fit it
is needed. We assume that each African nation has its own national development
program, and it only remains for us to come together and share our experiences
for the proper implementation of a continent-wide plan. Toda, travel between
African nation and telegraphic and telephonic communications among us are
circuitous in the extreme. Road communications between two neighboring States
are often difficult or even impossible. It is little wonder that trade among us
has remained at a discouragingly low level. These anachronisms are the remnants
of a heritage of which we must rid ourselves, the legacy of the century when
Africans were isolated one from the other. These are vital areas in which
efforts must be concentrated.
Development Bank
An additional project to be implemented without delay is the creation of an
African Development Bank, a proposal to which all our Governments have given
full support and which has already received intensive study. The meeting of our
Finance Ministers to be held within the coming weeks in Khartoum should
transform this proposal into fact. This same meeting could appropriately
continue studies already undertaken of the impact upon Africa of existing
regional economic groupings, and initiate further studies to accelerate the
expansion of economic relations among us.
The nations of Africa, as is true of every continent of the world, had from time
to time dispute among themselves. These quarrels must be confined to this
continent and quarantined from the contamination of non-African interference.
Permanent arrangements must be agreed upon to assist in the peaceful settlement
of these disagreements which, however few they may are, cannot be left to
languish and fester. Procedures must be established for the peaceful settlement
of disputes, in order that the threat or use of force may no longer endanger the
peace of our continent.
Steps must be taken to establish an African defense system. Military planning
for the security of this continent must be undertaken in common within a
collective framework. The responsibility for protecting this continent from
armed attacks from abroad is the primary concern of Africans themselves.
Provision must be made for the extension of speedy and effective assistance when
any African State is threatened with military aggression. We cannot rely solely
on international morality. Africa's control over her own affairs is dependent on
the existence of appropriate military arrangements to assure this continent's
protection against such threats. While guarding our own independence, we must at
the same time determine to live peacefully with all nations of the world.
Knowing Ourselves
Africa has come to freedom under the most difficult and trying of circumstances.
No small measure of the handicaps under which we labor derives from the low
educational level attained by our peoples and from their lack of knowledge of
their fellow Africans. Education abroad is at best an unsatisfactory substitute
for education at home. A massive effort must be launched in the educational and
cultural fields which will not only raise the level of literacy and provide the
cadres of skilled and trained technicians requisite to our growth and
development but, as well, acquaint us one another. Ethiopia, several years ago,
instituted a program of scholarships for students coming from other African
lands which has proved highly rewarding and fruitful, and We urge others to
adopt projects of this sort. Serious consideration should be given to the
establishment of an African university, sponsored by all African States, where
future leaders of Africa will be trained in an atmosphere of continental
brotherhood. In this African institution, the supra- national aspects of African
life would be emphasized and study would be directed toward the ultimate goal of
complete African unity. Ethiopia stands prepared here and now to decide on the
site of the University and to fix the financial contributions to be made to it.
This is but the merest summary of what can be accomplished. Upon these measures
we are all agreed, and our agreement should now form the basis for our action.
A World Force
Africa has become an increasingly influential force in the conduct of world
affairs as the combined weight of our collective opinion is brought to focus not
only on matters which concern this continent exclusively, but on those pressing
problems which occupy the thoughts of all men everywhere. As we have come to
know one another better and grown in mutual trust and confidence, it has been
possible for us to co-ordinate our policies and actions and contribute to the
successful settlement of pressing and critical world issues.
This has not been easy. But co-ordinated action by all African States on common
problems is imperative if our opinions are to be accorded their proper weight.
We Africans occupy a different- indeed a unique- position among the nations of
this Century. Having for so long known oppression, tyranny and subjugation,
whose, with better right, can claim for all the opportunity and the right to
live and grow as free men? Ourselves for long decades the victims of injustice,
whose voices can be better raised in the demand for justice and right for all?
We demand an end to colonialism because domination of one people by another is
wrong. We demand an end to nuclear testing and the arms race because these
activities, which pose such dreadful threats to man's existence and waste and
squander humanity's material heritage, are wrong. We demand an end to racial
segregation as an affront to man's dignity, which is wrong. We act in these
matters in the right, as a matter of high principle. We act out of the integrity
and conviction of our most deep-founded beliefs.
If we permit ourselves to be tempted by narrow self-interest and vain ambition,
if we barter our beliefs for short-term advantage, who will listen when we claim
to speak for conscience, and who will contend that our words deserve to be
heeded? We must speak out on major world issues, courageously, openly and
honestly, and in blunt terms of right and wrong. If we yield to blandishments or
threats, if we compromise when no honorable compromise is possible, our
influence will be sadly diminished and our prestige woefully prejudiced and
weakened. Let us not deny our ideals or sacrifice our right to stand as the
champions of the poor, the ignorant, the oppressed everywhere. The acts by which
we live and the attitudes by which we act must be clear beyond question.
Principles alone can endow our deeds with force and meaning. Let us be true to
what we believe, that our beliefs may serve and honor us.
Prejudice Opposed
We reaffirm today, in the name of principle and right, our opposition to
prejudice, wherever and in whatever form it may be found, and particularly do we
rededicate ourselves to the eradication of racial discrimination from this
continent. We can never rest content with our achievements so long as men, in
any part of Africa, assert on racial grounds their superiority over the least of
our brothers. Racial discrimination constitutes a negation of the spiritual and
psychological equality which we have fought to achieve and a denial of the
personality and dignity which we have struggled to establish for ourselves as
Africans. Our political and economic liberty will be devoid of meaning for so
long as the degrading spectacle of South Africa's apartheid continues to haunt
our waking hours and to trouble our sleep. We must redouble our efforts to
banish this evil from our land. If we persevere, discrimination will one day
vanish from the earth. If we use the means available to us, South Africa's
apartheid, just as colonialism, will shortly remain only as a memory. If we pool
our resources and use them well, this specter will be banished forever.
In this effort, as in so many others, we stand united with our Asian friends and
brothers. Africa shares with Asia a common background of colonialism, of
exploitation, of discrimination, of oppression. At Bandung, African and Asian
States dedicated themselves to the liberation of their tow continents from
foreign domination and affirmed the right of all nations to develop in their own
way, free of any external interference. The Bandung Declaration and the
principles enunciated at that Conference remain today valid for us all. We hope
that the leaders of India and China, in the spirit of Bandung, will find the way
to the peaceful resolution of the dispute between their two countries.
Nuclear Danger
We must speak, also, of the dangers of the nuclear holocaust which threatens all
that we hold dear and precious, including life itself. Forced to live our daily
existence with this foreboding and ominous shadow ever at our side, we cannot
lose hope or lapse into despair. The consequences of an uncontrolled nuclear
conflict are so dreadful that no sane man can countenance them. There must be an
end to testing. A program of progressive disarmament must be agreed upon. Africa
must be freed and shielded, as a denuclearized zone, from the consequences of
direct, albeit, involuntary involvement in the nuclear arms race.
The negotiations at Geneva, where Nigeria, the United Arab Republic and Ethiopia
are participating, continue, and painfully and laboriously, progress is being
achieved. We cannot know what portion of the limited advances already realized
can be attributed to the increasingly important role being played by the
non-aligned nation in these discussions, but we can, surely, derive some small
measure of satisfaction in even the few tentative steps taken toward persuaded
that in our efforts to scatter the clouds which rim the horizon of our future,
success must come, if only because failure is unthinkable. Patience and grim
determination are required, and faith in the guidance of Almighty God.
Collective Security
We would not close without making mention of the United Nations. We personally,
Who have throughout Our lifetime been ever guided and inspired by the principle
of collective security, would not now propose measures which depart from or are
inconsistent with this ideal or with the declarations of the United Nations
Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed to abandon a principle which has withstood
the test of time and which has proved its inherent value again and again in the
past. It would be worse than folly to weaken the one effective world
organization which exists today and to which each of us owes so much. It would
be sheer recklessness for any of us to detract from this organization which,
however imperfect, provides the best bulwark against the incursion of any forces
which would deprive us of our hard-won liberty and dignity.
The African Charter of which We have spoken is wholly consistent with that of
the United Nations. The African organization which We envisage is not intended
in any way to replace in our national or international life the position which
the United Nations has so diligently earned and so rightfully occupies. Rater,
the measure which We propose would complement and round out programs undertaken
by the United nations and its specialized agencies and, hopefully, render both
their activities and ours doubly meaningful and effective. What we seek will
multiply many times over the contribution which our joint endeavors may make to
the assurance of world peace and the promotion of human well-being and
understanding.
History's Dictum
A century hence, when future generations study the pages of history, seeking to
follow and fathom the growth and development of the African continent, what will
they find of this Conference? Will it be remembered as an occasion on which the
leaders of a liberated Africa, acting boldly and with determination, bent events
to their will and shaped the future destinies of the African peoples? Will this
meeting be memorialized for its solid achievements, for the intelligence and
maturity which marked the decisions taken here? Or will it be recalled for its
failures, for the inability of Africa's leaders to transcend local prejudices
and individual differences, for the disappointment and disillusionment which
followed in its train?
These questions give us all pause. The answers are within our power to dictate.
The challenges and opportunities which open before us today are greater than
those presented at any time in Africa's millennia of history. The risks and the
danger which confront us are no less great. The immense responsibilities which
history and circumstance have thrust upon us demand balanced and sober
reflection. If we succeed in the tasks which lie before us, our names will be
remembered and our deeds recalled by those who follow us. If we fail, history
will puzzle at our failure and mourn what was lost. We approach the days ahead
with the prayer that we who have assembled here may be granted the wisdom, the
judgment and the inspiration which will enable us to maintain our faith with the
peoples and the nations which have entrusted their fate to our hands.``